How is sb1070 racial profiling

Non-compliance is the practice of refusing to abet immigration policy by refusing to comply with state orders to report immigrants, deny help to immigrants, and carry identification. A key strategy in fighting against SB was developing organized communities.

We established over 35 CDB communities across Maricopa County and trained other community organizations across the state with the model for local implementation. In , when other states like Georgia and Alabama adopted and implemented their own versions of SB copycat laws, Puente would also share this model to help defend communities across the nation from the Poli-Migra pipeline to deportation.

Our Community Defense project would eventually transition into the creation and development of our Curso de Defensa Community Defense Course. The Community Defense Course works to empower migrants through education and establish mastery of skills including Organizing and KYR, which enable members to defend themselves from deportation.

The Curso de Defensa is broken down into six-week class set courses that engage families in learning about the immigration system and developing organizing skills. The fight to stop SB organized students from universities, community colleges, and high schools to play their part in educating and mobilizing students to take action and pressure Arizona leadership to stop the law.

These students were known as the Capital 9. Although the risk of being undocumented was present, it was significant that young people were the ones who came out to represent their parents, families, and communities. During these times DREAMers did not know what the future of SB held, but it was understood that they had to be organized and lead in the fight against the law. It was the first time that individuals risked deportation to demand federal protections from deportation. High school students organized walkouts across their school campuses in Phoenix and led peers to the Arizona State Capitol in protest of SB and in solidarity with their families and communities.

Artists came together and organized artist retreats with Puente and local organizations in Tucson to create the art that would bring color and life to our fight. Artists used their skill of stenciling, banner making, and screen printing to express artistic opposition in our protests and marches.

Other artists created posters and images with messaging that empowered our communities and offered a counter narrative to the mainstream depiction of migrants pushed out by anti-migrant politicians and lawmakers. Photographers on the ground captured our fight and produced our own narrative on the human cost of anti-migratory laws. The Alto Arizona Art Campaign was launched in the summer of and focused on establishing creative resistance to SB The campaign called on artists, writers, musicians, and poets who were opponents of the bill to take action through culture and art.

The posters on the left were used as part of our online virtual campaign for Alto Arizona. The Sound Strike called for artists and musicians to cancel all musical events and tour dates in Arizona in opposition to the anti-migratory law SB Over artists joined The Sound Strike and took action by cancelling events, participating in marches and protests, publicly speaking out against the law, and hosting fundraisers to support communities on the ground.

Human Rights Zones were businesses and locations that agreed not to question any patron on their immigration status or allow police or ICE to conduct an arrest in their place of business.

These businesses were given the HRZ decal to post on the front windows of their businesses, making Human Rights Zones easy to identify. The implementation of Human Rights Zones in Phoenix and Tucson was a strategy that created community-safe locations where both migrants and allied citizens could shop. Ten years later, we stand on organized power against a racist law that criminalizes our existence and places us a target of both police and ICE. While it's been ten years, we refuse to look back on the last decade through a romanticized lens.

With the combination of the housing market crash, the lack of available jobs and the increasing browning of the city, a political storm began to brew over the heads of the immigrant communities in Phoenix. You have the housing market crash, and then you have the recession," said Loza, who still thought these factors were "excuses" that led to an oppressive law.

Jan Brewer signed the bill on April 23rd, and the bill was in a constant review by different courts. Parts of the bill were scrapped, some parts stayed and in , a settlement weakened it considerably. But the lasting impact the bill had on the community is still palpable among those who grew up in the city during this time.

In , just under , Latinos voted in Arizona. That number grew to about , in the election. Activists like Gallardo cite the 89 percent growth as a a direct response from grassroots organizations like LUCHA, which mobilized and engaged Latino voters in the state, who mobilized after the effects of SB Campaigns like Bazta Arpaio were the call and response to laws and officials in the state from young Latinos who grew up feeling like they were looking over their shoulders out of fear of being targets due to their ethnicity.

Soon after his election victory it was announced President Trump would be recruiting Kris Kobach, who helped write SB, to assist in his transition team. A year later, Kobach is working for the administration in a new Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity. How else would a police officer form a suspicion that someone is in this country unlawfully?

This law actually invites racial profiling at two junctures. First, law enforcement might find a reason to stop people on a very minor infraction based on the way they look, and then demand their papers. Or they can stop them for an unbiased reason and then, based on appearance and nothing else, demand their papers. Americans come in every shape and size, from every background and every corner of the earth.

When you consider the long history, even before this law was passed, of racial profiling against people suspected of being in this country illegally, it is pretty easy to see how a law requiring police officers to demand papers based solely on their suspicions will be abused.

Finally, using local police officers who are untrained in the complexities and proper enforcement of federal immigration law is a recipe for racial profiling, particularly in Arizona. Just ask Julio and Julian Mora — a lawful permanent resident and his U. For three years, Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio has deployed hundreds of deputies and volunteer posses to target Latino neighborhoods, rounding up people on the streets, questioning and detaining people driving through traffic stops and the like, including U.

Despite civil rights lawsuits and a United States Justice Department investigation into these practices, Arpaio remains unfazed. What other factors would they use? In fact, the ACLU is already representing a number of people in this country legally who have been profiled, including Julio and Julian Mora mentioned above. Stopping drivers because of how they look and then coming up with some reason for the stop other than race is nothing new. For additional information, see www.

As many top law enforcement officials, including the Arizona Association of Chiefs of Police, have already acknowledged, this law will significantly harm the public trust that law enforcement officials need in order to protect the people of Arizona and will alienate police officers from the communities they serve.

The law will force police officers to devote scarce resources to investigating false threats rather than solving serious crimes. The criminal justice system is compromised because crime victims are more vulnerable and will be unwilling to report crimes and witnesses will be afraid to cooperate out of fear that they will be targeted.

Local cops will be put into the difficult position of relying on biased presumptions — and racial profiling — when asking anyone who looks or sounds foreign to confirm their citizenship or immigration status. Additionally, the few instances where the federal government has deputized local law enforcement in Arizona to enforce immigration laws under the federal g program has proved to be disastrous, resulting in racial profiling and other civil rights and civil liberties abuses.